INTRODUCTION
Mamula is a small reef islet located at the entrance to Boka Bay, positioned between Capes Oštro and Arza. It is closer to Luštica than Kobila and lies approximately 1 km from the mainland (42°24'N, 18°34'E). The island is uninhabited, with sparse vegetation. Commonly referred to as Velika Žanjica, in contrast to Mala Žanjica, which is situated on the far western coast of the Luštica peninsula and retains its original name, the bay housing the port of Žanjice takes its name from the islet. On older maps from the late 17th century, Mamula is identified as Rondoni. The island was renamed after General Lazar Mamula, a governor of Dalmatia originally from Lika, who constructed a fortress on the islet around 1850. Subsequently, Mamula became the Austro-Hungarian Empire's most significant strategic asset in this section of the Adriatic and a notable target for Allied (French and British) fleets during the First World War. It was an important fortress as part of a broader fortification system in Boka Bay. However, at the same time, it served as a prison during the First World War for 31 patriots, who were held captive as hostages. (Ignjat Zloković, Mirko Komnenović, "Boka" 13-14, Proceedings, Herceg-Novi).
CAMP FORMATION
In early 1942, after the prisons in Boka had reached capacity, the Italian occupiers established concentration camps in the Mamula Fortress and on Prevlaka. Until then, Mamula had not been used for military purposes, whereas Prevlaka had stationed troops. The 6th Army Corps Command, by Order No. 1297 on 30 March 1942, notified all divisions and the Carabinieri command that concentration camps had been set up at Mamula and Prevlaka.
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On 27 April 1942, under document no. 1354/1, the command of the 6th Corps issued instructions to all subordinate units regarding the internal organisation of the camps. Notably, the directive explicitly emphasises that no one may be sent to these camps without the knowledge and approval of the prefect of Kotor.
Later, on 29 May 1942, the 6th Army Corps instructed subordinate units to intern only men who were expected to remain permanently in the Mamula zone, and to transfer all others for whom internment was temporary, as well as women, to Prevlaka. Mamula camp fell under the jurisdiction of the "Emilia" Division, while Prevlaka was overseen by the "Messina" Division (Dušan Živković, Boka Bay and Paštrovići in the People’s Liberation Struggle, p. 214).
From the establishment of Mamula camp until mid-summer of 1942, it held women, children and men. Later, the women and children were relocated to Prevlaka, only for a larger group of women to be briefly returned to Mamula in the spring of 1943, where they remained for two to three months.
After the Orjen Partisan Battalion disbanded and the Partisan forces withdrew from Herzegovina, captured fighters from the Orjen Battalion, sympathisers, and active People’s Liberation Movement participants from Herzegovina, Konavle, Dalmatia, and areas like Dubrovnik and the Cetinje prison, were brought to the camp in late May.
REGIME IN THE CAMP
The camp was divided into three sections: the right wing, the left wing, and the citadel. The right wing housed prisoners from Boka, the left wing held civilians from Herzegovina, and the citadel primarily contained fighters from the Orjen Partisan Battalion who were awaiting trial. The number of inmates varied constantly, ranging from 400 to 650 as it fluctuated with arrivals and departures.
Camp inmates "lived" in vaulted cells with thick walls where cannons from the former Austro-Hungarian fortress were once housed. Initially, when there were fewer inmates, they slept on the concrete floor, but as the camp became crowded, wooden bunks were installed, one above the other, equipped with straw mats and two military blankets each. In these stifling, unhygienic, and overcrowded cells, the bunks were aligned along the walls, creating a narrow passage down the centre. In one corner, usually by the door, gasoline barrels served as makeshift toilets.
In cells without proper ventilation and with only one or two small windows, as many as 100 people were packed in, depending on the cell’s size (each cell measured approximately 60-70 square metres).
The Mamula garrison consisted of a military unit (company-sized) and a platoon of Carabinieri. The military provided camp security but had no direct contact with the prisoners, while the Carabinieri handled internal duties. Soldiers guarded the walls and the camp entrance.
The Carabinieri had full authority over the prisoners and could punish inmates at their discretion, confining them to solitary cells, slapping, or otherwise mistreating them.
Life in the camp followed a strict routine: getting up, going outside for a walk, washing, and sparse meals. Food included breakfast, typically a substitute for unsweetened coffee served in a portion cap; lunch, a thin soup with only 10 to 30 grains of rice and occasionally a small piece of horse meat or some macaroni (šupiote); and for dinner, 5 dkg of Parmesan cheese and 12 dkg of bread for the entire day.
There were water wells on the camp’s plateau as well as in the citadel. Inmates were permitted to wash clothes by the well on the plateau and were provided with a substance that was supposed to be soap. Inside the camp, a bakery was staffed by inmates, and in the citadel, there were a canteen, solitary confinement cells, a clinic, and a forge, all where prisoners worked and earned small amounts of extra food. This area’s first floor housed quarters for the military, the carabinieri, and camp offices.
As previously mentioned, the prisoners were separated into different sections. Contact between inmates from the two parts was strictly prohibited, and any attempt at communication was punished. This significantly complicated life for comrades from Herzegovina and Dalmatia, with whom we had very limited interaction.
The diet, as evident from the listed rations, was insufficient. However, the food parcels we received every 15 days from parents or friends helped to ease hunger, made life in the camp more tolerable, and enabled us to endure the hardships while preserving our health.
Packages were delivered fairly consistently by motorboat. The only delay occurred occasionally in winter when rough seas prevented the boat from docking at the small, storm-exposed pier. During these times, we would watch the sea from the window, waiting for the wind to shift, hoping to see the package boat arriving from the direction of Herceg-Novi.
The camp inmates did not perform heavy physical labour, except in rare instances, such as unloading firewood for the bakery, which arrived by barge.
While the camp conditions remained largely unchanged until the fall of fascism in Italy, the level of severity fluctuated, depending on the camp commanders and the state of the frontlines. Strictness was especially intense during the disbandment of the Orjen Battalion, marked by the arrival of numerous fighters, frequent interrogations, executions, and uncertainty for many comrades. During this time, camp authorities often shuffled inmates between cells and from one section of the camp to another until stability returned. The atmosphere undoubtedly reflected the external situation, and the regime became more lenient once many executions, trials, and interrogations had concluded, and when the state of the frontlines signalled a turning point. The mood of the camp authorities served as the best indicator of the war’s unpredictable fortunes. However, all the commanders sought to influence the inmates’ beliefs, feeding them misinformation, attempting to weaken morale, and painting a hopeless picture. One particularly persistent carabinieri, a former friar, would deliver lengthy speeches extolling fascism, futilely trying to provoke inmates into discussions. Early on, these “educational” sessions were held regularly with great determination. However, they later abandoned the practice when they realised it was futile and as the tide of the war turned against them (these speeches were translated by Comrade Manojlo Manojlović). Attempts were also made to treat inmates from Boka as Italians: they were forbidden to speak their native language, and intellectuals were offered scholarships to study in Italy. One day, students who were fighters from the Orjen Battalion and awaiting trial were summoned one by one and advised to write to the Duce, expressing remorse for having been "rebels" and requesting permission to continue their education in Italy. Without prior agreement, all of them refused. I recall that Krsto Branković, Mihajlo Mustur, Mladen Grakalić, and likely a few other comrades were among those called.
During food distribution or assemblies, inmates were forced to give a fascist salute, and food would not be distributed until the guards were satisfied. This ceremony often dragged on, with the reluctant salutes angering the guards, who hurled insults and compared us to colonial natives, a favourite slur. Waiting for food distribution was particularly gruelling during summer, as the inmates, weakened and exposed to the scorching sun, struggled to remain standing.
We were allowed outside the cells three times daily—in the morning, at noon, and in the evening—for an hour each time. During these intervals, we attended to basic needs, such as washing, using the collective toilet, and taking a brief walk. In the evenings, when the cells were locked, quiet conversations would take place. Voices could not be raised, as even the slightest noise would prompt soldiers to loudly demand silence, threatening us with their weapons. On one occasion, they carried out this threat, wounding three Herzegovinians in a cell where someone had struck a match (as recounted by Grujo Andrić).
On the left side of the camp, as previously noted, were comrades from Herzegovina and Dalmatia. Although the general regime was the same, their daily schedules for eating, rising, and going outside were staggered from the rest of the camp, making contact between the two groups impossible. Their conditions were significantly harsher, which will be detailed further.
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A large number of fighters were brought before the Court and sentenced to death (though for most, this sentence was later commuted to life imprisonment). Yet even then, the “Orjen fighters” sang songs of freedom that resonated through the prison cells and courtroom halls. Mamula’s spirit thrived on these acts of heroism, keeping the spirit of Orjen alive.
Life on Mamula, despite the constant struggle to preserve bare existence, was enriched by both political activities and other pursuits. There was ample time to read a few smuggled books, play chess or card games. Among the contraband materials were the complete works of Chekhov (brought by Boško Drobnjak), several works by Balzac, and others. Some prisoners took the opportunity to learn Italian and mastered it well. The camp housed individuals from various professions, with extensive life experience and diverse education. Frequent discussions were held on a wide range of topics, spanning numerous fields of interest.
PARTY AND SKOJ (League of Communist Youth of Yugoslavia)
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At the end of this chapter, I would like to say more about Dr Stevo Mrđen (previously mentioned in passing), not as a prisoner who exhibited commendable patriotic conduct, shared his generous parcels, and contributed to the unity among inmates—qualities that would not make him an exception. Rather, I wish to highlight him as the sole physician among the prisoners on Mamula.
Dr. Stevo Mrđen was respected even by the Italians, who sometimes came to him for advice, despite having their own military doctor. His authority greatly benefited the prisoners, allowing him to assist both as a person and as a physician. He was prepared to put his knowledge at the service of party politics, Dr. Mrđen closely monitored the health of the prisoners and, despite scarce resources, provided invaluable aid to many. With limited medicines, he would often send inmates to the Meljine hospital to recuperate, sometimes fabricating an illness, understanding that their true affliction was fatigue and exhaustion. Though their stay at Meljine was brief—something beyond Dr. Mrđen’s control—he frequently engaged in loud, clever arguments with young and inexperienced Italian doctors to secure treatment for someone. He regularly conducted medical examinations, performed minor operations, administered calcium injections and other strengthening medications, and tirelessly advocated for better healthcare in the camp. When, under Party orders, Vlado Bijelić needed to deliver a message to Petar Ćebić at the Meljine hospital, who would then pass it on to Luka Matković, Dr. Mrđen ensured that Vlado was declared ill and arranged his transfer to Meljine, where he stayed for a while. There, Dr. Mrđen demonstrated proven courage, persistently negotiating until he succeeded. He was so convincing that he persuaded not only the Italians but also Dr. Feller, an educated and cultured but unreliable prisoner doctor. The Italians ultimately conceded, though only briefly, as further examinations, including an X-ray at Meljine, determined it was not a special illness. Nonetheless, the prisoner would return to camp with news, packages, and messages. Dr. Stevo Mrđen managed all this in his own unique way, skillfully dispelling Italian suspicions and earning their trust. They would even invite him to examine them or visit his cell for advice. On one occasion, the camp commander himself came to Dr. Mrđen’s cell for an examination.
Such was Dr. Stevo Mrđen, our camp doctor, who provided countless prisoners with care and compassion within the confines of Mamula.
ESCAPE FROM MAMULA
The fall of fascism in Italy was met with great enthusiasm among us. There was a sense of confusion among the soldiers, though many openly expressed their desire for the war to end quickly and often talked about their longing to return home, realising the war was lost. In the evenings, we could hear the guards on Mamula’s walls singing songs that conveyed their homesickness and yearning for loved ones. They were no longer soldiers in spirit but rather individuals who felt deceived and brought to a foreign land. They tried to befriend us and shared information about what was happening outside. Nevertheless, captivity and camp life did not end, although life in the camp became somewhat easier and more tolerable, as prisoners were allowed outside their cells all day, with cells locked only at night. This greater freedom allowed the Party organisation to operate more smoothly and prepare for what was to come. During this time, the collective functioned flawlessly, and there was talk of organising the inmates into companies, creating a military structure that could respond in a united and organised way at the decisive moment. Soon, inmates were grouped into companies, each led by seasoned fighters from the Orjen Battalion, with Jugole Grakalić appointed as commander.
However, organisation was the easy part. All the fighters and allies of the movement were there, united in thought and action from the first day, with everyone eager to seize freedom as soon as possible. Lengthy discussions ensued about how to escape from Mamula, with ideas on cutting off the telephone lines and underwater cable—the camp’s only link to the mainland. There was also talk of an individual escape attempt. Krsto Vranković, an early resistance fighter and skilled swimmer, volunteered. The idea was for him to be taken out in the kibla (portable toilet bucket) beyond the camp walls, where he would wait until nightfall to swim to Luštica. However, this plan was abandoned because he couldn’t fit inside the kibla. Though this idea was dismissed, the determination to find a way out remained. The new plan was to construct rafts from bed frames to cross over to Luštica. Measures were also taken to ensure that prisoners would not be locked in their cells if action was needed. Comrade Dušan Novaković, who worked in the forge, crafted makeshift cell keys for each cell so they could be opened during the night if the situation demanded it.
Impatience grew, and pressure mounted on the Italians to release the prisoners from the camp. Delegations were sent to negotiate with the camp administration, including Erih Koš, Đorđe Doklestić, and Miloš Bakočević. The party organisation backed these negotiations. Surprised, the commander of Mamula responded with a hesitant, “Vederemo” (“We will see”). He delayed any decisive action, likely shaken by the unfolding events and perhaps lacking clear orders from higher command. Yet, irritated by the inmates' audacity, the commander burst out in frustration during one tense moment, asking, “Well, who is the commander here?” Jugole replied, “Me.” Stunned, the commander weakly waved his hand, defeated (as Miloš Bakočević recalls). In this atmosphere of tension, impatience, rumours, the arrival of new prisoners, and an overall sense of collapse, the fall of Italy was met with celebration by the inmates, who repeatedly pressed the Italian guards to open the camp gates. Meanwhile, external pressure increased through negotiations by partisan representatives with Italian officials, as well as by parents and other citizens advocating for the prisoners’ release. This pressure intensified when news arrived that the Germans had entered Boka, occupying Kobila, Prevlaka, and Oštra—a small German advance likely from the Dubrovnik direction. It was firmly decided that no one would wait for the Germans in the camp. The situation became highly uncertain. The Italians still held Mamula, the Arza fortress, and parts of Boka, yet Italian forces were cooperating with the Germans at Prevlaka and Oštra. Eventually, the Germans disarmed the Italians there and imprisoned them alongside the detainees on Prevlaka, leading to an armed conflict between Italians and Germans.
An artillery duel erupted across from Mamula, as German forces on Oštra exchanged fire with Italians on Arza. All day, shells tore through the sky over Mamula. A small war had broken out between yesterday’s allies.
The Italians on Mamula watched this conflict in fear, demoralised and unable to control the camp. Amidst this psychological turmoil, the commander announced to the inmates that they could leave the camp. Whether this decision was backed by official orders or not remains unclear, but the Italians, eager to rid themselves of the camp, wanted to leave as quickly as possible and move to safety. Their own fate was uncertain, especially as the Germans were now at Mamula’s doorstep. Only the carabinieri struggled to accept the reality of surrender; they had once embodied the Italian army’s “cultural mission,” disregarding the inmates' aspirations. Yet in the end, they too fled the island, as if it were a haunted place.
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Everyone’s priority was to free the inmates as quickly as possible. Soon, the boat *Hvala bogu*, owned by the Botica family, appeared in front of Mamula. Throughout the day, a boat piloted by Mirko Đurašković and Vido Cvjetković transported around 300 inmates to the Luštica peninsula. Alongside the prisoners, who included Bokelians and Herzegovinians, the Italians were also evacuated. During this time, the artillery duel continued, with several shells fired from Kobila towards the boat, though none caused damage. The boat made continuous trips, ferrying those desperate for freedom. Tragically, near the threshold of freedom, Jovo Lučić, a lawyer from Sutorina, passed away, exhausted from the ordeal. Many Italian soldiers were disarmed upon arrival at Luštica, including the camp commander, who surrendered his weapon to Radomir Vukšić.
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Around 2,000 prisoners passed through the Mamula camp over the course of two years. Many were transferred to other camps in Italy, but all of them, as well as those who remained on Mamula, hurried to join the Partisan units after Italy’s capitulation. They filled the ranks of Montenegrin, Dalmatian, Croatian, and Slovenian brigades, with many ultimately giving their lives for the freedom of their homeland.
Note: In writing this account of Mamula, I drew on the recollections of Luka Tomanović, Mladen Grkalić, Božo Andrić, Grujo Andrić, and Vlado Bijelić. However, this work does not aim to present a complete picture of the Mamula camp. A fuller and more objective view could be achieved through the memories of other comrades.
MARXIST CENTRES AND FUNDS FOR PRESERVING AND PROMOTING THE REVOLUTIONARY TRADITIONS OF THE PEOPLE’S LIBERATION STRUGGLE FOR THE MUNICIPALITIES OF HERCEG NOVI, TIVAT, AND KOTOR
THE PEOPLE’S LIBERATION WAR AND REVOLUTION IN BOKA BAY
During the temporary crisis from April 1942 to September 1943
(Proceedings from the Round Table held in Risan on 20 January 1984)
Kotor, 1986.
